I'm Ricardo Fuego from the Círculo Internacional de Comunistas Antibolcheviques (International Circle of Antibolshevik Communists), http://www.geocities.com/cica_web.
I've registered by invitation of comrade luxemburguista, who also invited me to post our group's orientation lines.
ps: english grammar and spelling corrections are welcome.
The International Circle of Antibolshevik Communists is a virtual group of revolutionaries from various countries and various influences, in order to reciprocally stimulate their common development and to spread and update the revolutionary thought of the working class. They can join to the Circle and participate like members all those who agree in general with the following theoretical-practical orientation lines, regardless of their interpretation and development in more concrete terms:
1. Communism is not a philosophy or a political programme to which to mold the thought and the action of the working class. It is the action of the actual working class as soon as it rebells against the relation of capital and it becomes in its active and conscious negation: its negation like a social relation that consists on the subordination of living work to accumulated work - and, by extension, the negation of all kinds of human explotaition, domination and alienation. It is in the course of this antagonistic action that the class itself, by its own efforts and facing the attacks and the resistance capitalism offers to its transformation, develops the concrete conscience necessary for the positive overcoming of capitalism, which can only get a massive one by means of - and in the course of - a revolution.
Communism is not other thing that the conscious and self-organized cooperation of the proletarians against the alienation of its self-activity as total human beings; communism is to place the free development of the individuals, with all their capacities and necessities, as a precondition for the development of a society without explotaition nor domination. In short, comunism is the real movement that effectively denies and surpasses the present state of the human existence. This movement has its origins in the tendency of proletarians to act independently and like a class, that is, to undertake their own and self-determinated revolutionary praxis. The development of communism is essentially the development of the proletarian autonomy beyond the limits imposed by capitalism.
2. We defend the development of the autonomy of the proletarians in their fight, in their life and in their spirit, against the old labor movement and the reformist theory-practice who bounds the proletarians to capitalism, to their alienated existence like a dominated class, and whose forms of fight, organization and thought, are only valid to reform capitalism but not to suppress it revolutionarily.
The present decay of capitalism also means the increasing inviability of the reformist policy, that loses its historically progressive character. Although the fight for reforms continues to be necessary for the survival of the proletariat and contributes to their class unity, it cannot contribute to the maturity of the proletariat in a revolutionary sense. What makes to mature the proletariat in this sense is the increasingly violent and total confrontation with the capital, that is to say, the development of the capitalist domination and repression to which proletariat struggle decisively contributes and to which must face time and time again, forced by the decadence of the capitalism itself and the consequently increasing and intensification of the class antagonism. It is in this historically determined process wherein the proletariat advances towards the conscience of the necessity of the revolution (the “transformation of the quantity in quality”), when verifying by itself the persistent degradation of its social conditions of existence and the inviability of the reformist methods to alter the situation or to impel a development in a revolutionary sense. What the proletariat requires, then, it is the development of new and superior forms of class self-activity (that is, the development of the “revolutionary quality”), forms that will constitute the future bases of the proletarian dictatorship, the dictatorship of the whole of the proletariat over the remainings of capitalism.
The function of the conscious communists is to help the whole class in its self-clarification about the obstacles to its revolutionary development and about the way to surpass them practically.
3. We are for a consequent revolutionary internationalism, oriented to the confluence and organic unification of the multiple struggles and sectors of the international proletariat, in order to form a single movement that combines the free association and the maximum autonomy of the parts with the necessary centralization and unitary vision. In this way, the proletariat becomes an historical-world class and establishes the foundations of a true world-wide human community. An essential condition of the true internationalism is, then, the struggle in all countries by the liberation of the proletariat of all the forms of national explotaition and oppression and, in general, of the “national” domination of its own bourgeoisie. For the same existence of the bourgeois nation is the negation of the freedom of the proletariat in its national life and plus, if the proletariat of one country collaborates in the oppression of its class brothers of another country, it only means that it's strongly enslaved by its bourgeoisie.
At the same time the proletariat develops and elevate itself as a revolutionary class in each country, it separates from the bourgeois nation and constitutes itself in nation. In this way, the liberation of the proletariat as a class and its liberation like a national community are the same thing, they both come together in a natural and necessary way towards the building of a true international community of the humankind, whose material base will be a world-wide communist economy. When freeing itself nationally, the proletariat not only destroys the bourgeois society, but also the bourgeois nation, and creates with it a new form of national community that surpasses all the (bourgeois) narrowings and limitations of the precedent.
4. We make an effort for the radical and integral self-liberation of the proletarians, individually as as much collectively.
The revolutionary process of communism requires not only a coherence between the principles, the means, and the aims of the proletarian self-activity, it also requires the unity of the multiple dimensions of that self-activity: unity of the material liberation and the spiritual liberation, unity of the economic struggle and the political struggle, unity of the labor struggle with all the social struggle, of the class struggle and the genre struggle, of the unity of the national development and the international development, etc.
The integration of all these aspects in a single struggle process with manifold fronts, demands not only the overcoming of all the previous narrowings and unilateralities of the communist movement, making an effort for its theoretical-practical development in a truly integral sense; it also demands the overcoming of the division between minimum program and maximum program, the struggle by reforms and the revolutionary struggle, immediate propaganda and revolutionary propaganda, etc. This unity cannot be made mechanically interposing transient objectives between the immediate vindications and the revolutionary measures (like the trotskyste way), but recognizing the dynamic condition of that unity in the development of the conscious and organized self-activity of the proletariat and establishing, on this base, the dialectic continuity between minimum, transitory and maximum objectives. This programmatic continuity, that finds its objective base in the revolutionary ascent of the class struggle, from the immediate fights to the open revolution, has as general principles that the programmatic objectives serve to the continuous advance towards communism, to the unity of the economic struggle with the political one (impelling the development of forms of proletarian power) and to the development in general of the integral self-activity of the proletariat, specially to the development and clarification of its class conscience.
Also, the putting into practice of this program can only be done by always considering the historical and concrete conditions and tendencies (both subjective and objective) that exist in each struggle or situation. On these same principles and historical-materialist orientation must be elaborated the strategy and the tactics of the communists.
5. We defend the centrality of the proletariat as a revolutionary class, socially determined as the labor force dispossesed of means of production and which can only get their means of live working for capital. We do not, for that reason, suppress the differences between the various sectors of this labor force, nor the importance of these differences regarding the development of the proletariat as revolutionary class. We understand the proletariat as a unity of that multiplicity, which includes occupied, vacated and students condemned to proletarization, and which extends in diverse semiproletarian layers as capitalism increasingly subsumes all forms of precapitalist production and work (it is specially necessary to mention the women's domestic work, which in working class families contributes directly to the increasing of the excessive working time that the worker can provide when released of the domestic and reproductive tasks).
Concretely understood, the centrality of the proletariat as revolutionary class means in addition that the emancipation of the proletarians depends only of their own efforts. They cannot leave their own matters in the hands of an illustrated minority, they also musn't let aside the development of their intellectual capacity and thought, without which they cannot act independently in an effective way, but all more formally (as it happens with the old labor organizations). All forms of sustitutionism, either political or intellectual (such as vulgar vanguardism, elitism, jerarchyzation and authoritarianism in all its forms), are opposites to the self-liberation of the proletarians and they reproduce a labor division which is the embryo and the fundamental scheme of the social relations in the class society. For that reason, the self-organizaded assemblies, the bottom-up functioning, the delegation under imperative mandate, the amplest participation possible of everyone, are the fundamental characteristics of the independent organization of the proletariat, and must be always predominant before the assemblies summoned from above, the decisions made from above, the unrestricted delegation, and the concentration of the activity in a minority: what the class struggle establishes at certain moments as an imperative cannot be taken as a virtue, nor to be elevated in principle of the organized proletarian activity.